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May 22: John
Lott Responds
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Do More Guns
Mean Less Crime?
A Reason Online debate
featuring John Lott and Robert Ehrlich
More guns means
more guns
Why John Lott is wrong
May 21, 2001
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By Robert Ehrlich
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John Lott’s 1998 book, More
Guns, Less Crime contains many points with which I
agree. For example, I believe that many criminals are leery of
approaching potential victims who may be armed -- an idea at the
core of his deterrence theory that guns help to prevent crime. I
also believe that violent criminals are not typical citizens,
and that the possession of a gun by a law abiding citizen is
unlikely to turn him into a crazed killer. Lott also has a point
when he speaks of the over-reporting by the media of gun
violence by and against kids and the corresponding
under-reporting of the defensive use of guns to prevent crime.
As a gun owner myself, I was quite prepared to accept Lott’s
thesis that the positive deterrent effect of guns exceeds their
harmful effects on society, but as a scientist I have to be
guided by what the data actually show, and Lott simply hasn’t
made his case. Here’s why:
Lott misrepresents the data. His main argument that guns
reduce crime is based on the impact on various violent crime
rates of "concealed carry laws," which allow any legal
gun owner to carry concealed weapons. Since these laws were
passed at different dates in different states, he looks at how
the crime rates change at t=0, the date of the law’s passage
in each state. Lott’s book displays a series of very
impressive looking graphs that show dramatic and in some cases
immediate drops in every category of violent crime at time t=0.
The impact on robberies is particularly impressive, where a
steeply rising robbery rate suddenly turns into a steeply
falling rate right at t=0 -- almost like the two sides of a
church steeple. As they say, when something looks too good to be
true, it probably is. Lott neglects to tell the reader that all
his plots are not the actual FBI data (downloadable here),
but merely his fits to the data.
The actual data are much more irregular with lots of ups and
downs, and they show nothing special happening at time t=0. Lott
has used the data from 10 states in his book. When we look at
changes in the robbery rate state by state, only two of the
states (West Virginia and Georgia) show decreases at t=0, while
the other eight show increases. Overall, averaging the 10
states, there is a small but not statistically significant
increase in the robbery rate at t=0, certainly not the dramatic
decrease Lott’s fits show. In fact, Lott’s method of doing
his fits is virtually guaranteed to produce an
"interesting" result at time t=0. What he does is fit
a smooth curve (actually a parabola) to the data earlier than
t=0, and fit a separate curve to the data after t=0.
Given a completely random set of data, Lott’s fitting
procedure is virtually guaranteed to yield either a drop or a
rise near time t=0. Only if the data just happened to lie on a
single parabola on both sides of t=0 would the fits show nothing
special at that time. Since random data would show a drop or a
rise equally often at t=0, we have a 50 percent chance of
finding a drop -- not a very good argument for the drop being
real. The fact that all categories of violent crime (murder,
rape, assault, robbery) show drops is also not particularly
surprising, since the causes of violent crime (whatever they
are) probably affect the rates in all the separate categories.
Similarly, it is no more mysterious that when the overall stock
market rises or falls dramatically the individual sectors
(industrials, utilities, etc) are more likely than not to move
in the same direction.
Lott’s results are not consistent. Taking Lott’s fits
at face value, we find they give inconsistent results. For
example, he shows murders, rapes, and robberies each declining
sharply and immediately at t=0, the year of passage of the laws,
but the aggravated assault rate rises slightly and doesn’t
start its descent until three years after the law’s passage.
Presumably, the same sorts of folks are committing murders and
assaults, so this difference is very puzzling. Similarly, Lott
shows the rate of multiple public shootings declining
dramatically (by 100 percent) only two years after t=0. But
using follow-up data in a more recent paper, Lott shows multiple
shootings rising precipitously the year before t=0 and
then declining right at t=0. It’s difficult enough
understanding why the impact of the laws should be so much
greater on multiple shootings by crazed killers than ordinary
murders (which drop only 10 percent), but figuring out how the
laws could work in reverse time on the thinking of these psychos
is a real challenge.
Lott cannot account for all the relevant variables.
Recognizing that violent crime rates can depend on all sorts of
factors aside from the passage of concealed carry laws, Lott
includes many variables when he runs his multiple linear
regressions to disentangle the impact of each factor. Many of
these variables, such as arrest rates, percentage of African
Americans, and population density, account for a far greater
percentage of the variation in violent crime than the mere 1
percent he attributes to passage of the laws. However, with such
a small dependence on the one factor he is looking for, only if
Lott has included all the relevant variables that could
affect the rate of violent crime can he hope to see the residual
amount due to the effect of that one factor. In answer to this
criticism Lott says OK -- tell me what variable I’ve left out
and I’ll include it. But, the list of plausible variables that
could affect violent crime rates over time is virtually endless.
Here, for example, are 14 that Lott didn’t include: 1) amount
of alcohol sold, 2) price of alcohol, 3) amount of drugs sold,
4) price of drugs, 5) number of police on the beat, 6) number of
police brutality complaints, 7) average summer temperature, 8)
number of convicted felons on the streets, 9) average age of
convicted felons on the streets, 10) percentage of teenagers
living in two parent households, 11) high school dropout rate,
12) dollars spent on crime prevention programs, 13) minimum wage
rate, 14) amount of media violence. I’m sure readers could
come up with many more plausible factors, any one of which could
mask the true dependence on the concealed carry laws.
Lott doesn’t properly compute statistical significance.
Another very serious problem with Lott’s method is how he
calculates the statistical significance of his results. He
essentially asks, What is the probability of getting the
observed variation of the crime rate on either side of t=0 based
on changes in the various socio-demographic variables and random
variations? If that computed probability is very small, he
regards his hypothesis that the concealed carry laws made the
difference as being proven. But, that’s not right. He needs to
look at the probability of a change in the crime rate for years
t= -3,-2,-1,0,1,2,3, etc. Only if the probability is very much
less for year zero than the other years can he consider his
results meaningful. It seems very likely, however, that Lott
would find similarly low probabilities for all these other
years, because only if the violent crime rate were static over
time would there be no significant variation on either side of
year t=0, or any other given year. In fact, one researcher’s
analysis of Lott’s data show that the most significant turning
point for the robbery rates occurs before t=0.
Lott has correctly observed that by passing concealed carry
laws in various states in various years, the U.S. has been in
effect conducting an extremely interesting social experiment.
That experiment, in principle, can give us an empirical answer
to the relationship between easing restrictions on gun-carrying
permits and crime. However, his one-sided analysis of the data
inspires little confidence that we can count on him to tell us
the true results of this experiment. From all indications it
seems that the concealed carry laws probably have had almost no
effect, one way or the other.
Robert Ehrlich is a professor of physics at George
Mason University and author of the new book, Nine
Crazy Ideas in Science: A Few May Even Be True
(Princeton University Press)
May 22: John
Lott Responds
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